Blog Feeds
02-01 08:20 AM
South African-born Dave Matthews, the lead singer of rock band the Dave Matthews Band is having a great year with his most recent album, Big Whiskey and the GrooGrux King nominated this evening for a Grammy for Album of the Year. Matthews gave a great performance at the Haiti telethon last weekend with Neil Young. He's been active in a number of other charities helping farmers, Hurricane Katrina victims and victims of the Virginia Tech shooting (Matthews' hometown is Charlottesville, Virginia). Matthews is also an actor and has been in a number of movies including Because of Winn-Dixie, a favorite...
More... (http://blogs.ilw.com/gregsiskind/2010/01/immigrant-of-the-day-dave-matthews-musician.html)
More... (http://blogs.ilw.com/gregsiskind/2010/01/immigrant-of-the-day-dave-matthews-musician.html)
wallpaper quotes about kissing him.
kirupa
07-25 01:35 AM
Added :beam:
forsen
09-25 09:10 PM
Hi,
I'm trying to bend text into a circle. I want the text to be standing up and then to spin the camera around the outside of the text.
Is there anyway I can bend the text in swift 3d into a circle or do I need to produce each letter seperately and then rotate and position?
Or, can I import the bent (circular) text from another application then 3d ify it in swift 2.0 ?
Thanks
Forsen
I'm trying to bend text into a circle. I want the text to be standing up and then to spin the camera around the outside of the text.
Is there anyway I can bend the text in swift 3d into a circle or do I need to produce each letter seperately and then rotate and position?
Or, can I import the bent (circular) text from another application then 3d ify it in swift 2.0 ?
Thanks
Forsen
2011 quotes about kissing him.
Blog Feeds
08-07 09:40 AM
None of my friends from UCLA Law School, class of 1973, went into immigration law. Corporate law, personal injury law and real estate law were all far more lucrative. If you are looking for a multi-million dollar settlement, immigration law is not for you. So why do we immigration lawyers do what we do? Having spent over half of my life practicing immigration law, I can tell you that I consider myself to be very fortunate. The satisfaction that I get from meeting and helping immigrants from around the world makes it worthwhile. Let me explain myself by telling you...
More... (http://blogs.ilw.com/carlshusterman/2009/08/a-day-in-the-life-of-an-immigration-lawyer.html)
More... (http://blogs.ilw.com/carlshusterman/2009/08/a-day-in-the-life-of-an-immigration-lawyer.html)
more...
Syko171
03-01 01:45 PM
Suit yourself...
I would do it in 3DSMAX cuz in swift it's much harder to do it...
(almost) Everything is possible if you have the right skills...
You asked ...or does all that need to be done in 3ds...
No matter where you do it as long as it can be exported to an swf.
I would do it in 3DSMAX cuz in swift it's much harder to do it...
(almost) Everything is possible if you have the right skills...
You asked ...or does all that need to be done in 3ds...
No matter where you do it as long as it can be exported to an swf.
div_bell_2003
07-07 06:40 PM
You are only counted against the quota once for a 6 year period , so I believe, she won't come under the quota , although it's getting harder to get H1B extensions every day
more...
sathyaraj
09-27 02:31 PM
Hi, My wife has started working on EAD as an individual contract employee and her employer is asking to complete W9 form. But in the form it says that only US citizen can complete that form. Also it asks for backup withholding. I am not sure what it is.
I am confused now. I know that EAD has no restriction in employment. Pl. help.
I am confused now. I know that EAD has no restriction in employment. Pl. help.
2010 kissing him all the time.
Macaca
10-27 10:14 AM
America has a persuadable center, but neither party appeals to it (http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2007/10/25/AR2007102502774.html) By Jonathan Yardley (yardleyj@washpost.com) | Washington Post, October 28, 2007
THE SECOND CIVIL WAR: How Extreme Partisanship Has Paralyzed Washington and Polarized America By Ronald Brownstein, Penguin. 484 pp. $27.95
These are difficult times for American politics at just about all levels, but especially in presidential politics, which has been poisoned -- the word is scarcely too strong -- by a variety of influences, none more poisonous than what Ronald Brownstein calls "an unrelenting polarization . . . that has divided Washington and the country into hostile, even irreconcilable camps." There is nothing new about this, he quickly acknowledges, and "partisan rivalry most often has been a source of energy, innovation, and inspiration," but what is particularly worrisome now "is that the political system is more polarized than the country. Rather than reducing the level of conflict, Washington increases it. That tendency, not the breadth of the underlying divisions itself, is the defining characteristic of our era and the principal cause of our impasse on so many problems."
Most people who pay reasonably close attention to American politics will not find much to surprise them in The Second Civil War, but Brownstein -- who recently left the Los Angeles Times to become political correspondent for Atlantic Media and who is a familiar figure on television talk shows -- has done a thorough job of amassing all the pertinent material and analyzing it with no apparent political or ideological axe to grind. He isn't an especially graceful prose stylist, and he's given to glib, one-word portraits -- on a single page he gives us "the burly Joseph T. Robinson," "the bullet-headed Sam Rayburn," "the mystical Henry A. Wallace" and "the flinty Harold Ickes" -- but stylistic elegance is a rare quality in political journalism in the best of times, and in these worst of times it can be forgiven. What matters is that Brownstein knows what he's talking about.
He devotes the book's first 175 pages -- more, really, than are necessary -- to laying the groundwork for the present situation. Since the election of 1896, he argues, "the two parties have moved through four distinct phases": the first, from 1896 to 1938, when they pursued "highly partisan strategies," the "period in modern American life most like our own"; the second, from the late New Deal through the assassination of John F. Kennedy, "the longest sustained period of bipartisan negotiation in American history," an "ideal of cooperation across party lines"; the third, from the mid-1960s to the mid-1990s, "a period of transition" in which "the pressures for more partisan confrontation intensified"; and the fourth, "our own period of hyperpartisanship, an era that may be said to have fully arrived when the Republican-controlled House of Representatives voted on a virtually party-line vote to impeach Bill Clinton in December 1998."
As is well known, the lately departed (but scarcely forgotten) Karl Rove likes to celebrate the presidency of William McKinley, which serious historians generally dismiss out of hand but in which Rove claims to find strength and mastery. Perhaps, as Brownstein and others have suggested, this is because Rove would like to be placed alongside Mark Hanna, the immensely skilled (and immensely cynical) boss who was the power behind McKinley's throne. But the comparison is, indeed, valid in the sense that the McKinley era was the precursor of the Bush II era, which "harkened back to the intensely partisan strategies of McKinley and his successors." Bush's strategies are now widely regarded as failures, not merely among his enemies but also among his erstwhile allies on Capitol Hill, who grouse about "White House incompetence or arrogance." But Brownstein places these complaints in proper context:
"Yet many conservatives recognized in Bush a kindred soul, not only in ideology, but more importantly in temperament. Because their goals were transformative rather than incremental, conservative activists could not be entirely satisfied with the give and take, the half a loaf deal making, of politics in ordinary times. . . . In Bush they found a leader who shared that conviction and who demonstrated, over and again, that in service of his goals he was willing to sharply divide the Congress and the country."
This, as Brownstein notes, came from the man who pledged to govern as "a uniter, not a divider." Bush's service as governor of Texas had been marked by what one Democrat there called a "collaborative spirit," but "he is not the centrist as president that he was as governor." This cannot be explained solely by the influence of Rove, who appeared to be far more interested in placating the GOP's hard-right "base" than in enacting effective legislation. Other influences probably included a Democratic congressional leadership that grew ever more hostile and ideological, the frenzied climate whipped up by screamers on radio and television, and Bush's own determination not to repeat his father's second-term electoral defeat. But whatever the precise causes, the Bush Administration's "forceful, even belligerent style" assured nothing except deadlock on the Hill, even on issues as important to Bush as immigration and Social Security "reform."
Brownstein's analysis of the American mood is far different from Bush/Rove's. He believes, and I think he's right, that there is "still a persuadable center in American politics -- and that no matter how effectively a party mobilized its base, it could not prevail if those swing voters moved sharply and cohesively against it," viz., the 2006 midterm elections. He also believes, and again I think he's right, that coalition politics is the wisest and most effective way to govern: "The party that seeks to encompass and harmonize the widest range of interests and perspectives is the one most likely to thrive. The overriding lesson for both parties from the Bush attempt to profit from polarization is that there remains no way to achieve lasting political power in a nation as diverse as America without assembling a broad coalition that locks arms to produce meaningful progress against the country's problems." As Lyndon Johnson used to say to those on the other side of the fence, "Come now, let us reason together."
Yet there's not much evidence that many in either party have learned this rather obvious lesson. Several of the (remarkably uninspired) presidential candidates have made oratorical gestures toward the politics of inclusion, but from Hillary Clinton to Rudolph Giuliani they're practicing interest-group politics of exclusion as delineated in the Gospel According to Karl Rove. Things have not been helped a bit by the Democratic leadership on the Hill, which took office early this year with great promises of unity but quickly lapsed into an ineffective mixture of partisan rhetoric and internal bickering. Brownstein writes:
"Our modern system of hyperpartisanship has unnecessarily inflamed our differences and impeded progress against our most pressing challenges. . . . In Washington the political debate too often careens between dysfunctional poles: either polarization, when one party imposes its will over the bitter resistance of the other, or immobilization, when the parties fight to stalemate. . . . Our political system has virtually lost its capacity to formulate the principled compromises indispensable for progress in any diverse society. By any measure, the costs of hyperpartisanship vastly exceed the benefits."
Brownstein has plenty of suggestions for changing things, from "allowing independents to participate in primaries" to "changing the rules for drawing districts in the House of Representatives." Most of these are sensible and a few are first-rate, but they have about as much chance of being adopted as I do of being president. The current rush by the states to be fustest with the mostest in primary season suggests how difficult it would be to achieve reform in that area, and the radical gerrymandering of Texas congressional districts engineered by Tom DeLay makes plain that reform in that one won't be easy, either. Probably what would do more good than anything else would be an attractive, well-organized, articulate presidential candidate willing, in Adlai Stevenson's words, "to talk sense to the American people." Realistically, though, what we can look for is more meanness, divisiveness and cynicism. It's the order of the day, and it's not going away any time soon.
THE SECOND CIVIL WAR: How Extreme Partisanship Has Paralyzed Washington and Polarized America By Ronald Brownstein, Penguin. 484 pp. $27.95
These are difficult times for American politics at just about all levels, but especially in presidential politics, which has been poisoned -- the word is scarcely too strong -- by a variety of influences, none more poisonous than what Ronald Brownstein calls "an unrelenting polarization . . . that has divided Washington and the country into hostile, even irreconcilable camps." There is nothing new about this, he quickly acknowledges, and "partisan rivalry most often has been a source of energy, innovation, and inspiration," but what is particularly worrisome now "is that the political system is more polarized than the country. Rather than reducing the level of conflict, Washington increases it. That tendency, not the breadth of the underlying divisions itself, is the defining characteristic of our era and the principal cause of our impasse on so many problems."
Most people who pay reasonably close attention to American politics will not find much to surprise them in The Second Civil War, but Brownstein -- who recently left the Los Angeles Times to become political correspondent for Atlantic Media and who is a familiar figure on television talk shows -- has done a thorough job of amassing all the pertinent material and analyzing it with no apparent political or ideological axe to grind. He isn't an especially graceful prose stylist, and he's given to glib, one-word portraits -- on a single page he gives us "the burly Joseph T. Robinson," "the bullet-headed Sam Rayburn," "the mystical Henry A. Wallace" and "the flinty Harold Ickes" -- but stylistic elegance is a rare quality in political journalism in the best of times, and in these worst of times it can be forgiven. What matters is that Brownstein knows what he's talking about.
He devotes the book's first 175 pages -- more, really, than are necessary -- to laying the groundwork for the present situation. Since the election of 1896, he argues, "the two parties have moved through four distinct phases": the first, from 1896 to 1938, when they pursued "highly partisan strategies," the "period in modern American life most like our own"; the second, from the late New Deal through the assassination of John F. Kennedy, "the longest sustained period of bipartisan negotiation in American history," an "ideal of cooperation across party lines"; the third, from the mid-1960s to the mid-1990s, "a period of transition" in which "the pressures for more partisan confrontation intensified"; and the fourth, "our own period of hyperpartisanship, an era that may be said to have fully arrived when the Republican-controlled House of Representatives voted on a virtually party-line vote to impeach Bill Clinton in December 1998."
As is well known, the lately departed (but scarcely forgotten) Karl Rove likes to celebrate the presidency of William McKinley, which serious historians generally dismiss out of hand but in which Rove claims to find strength and mastery. Perhaps, as Brownstein and others have suggested, this is because Rove would like to be placed alongside Mark Hanna, the immensely skilled (and immensely cynical) boss who was the power behind McKinley's throne. But the comparison is, indeed, valid in the sense that the McKinley era was the precursor of the Bush II era, which "harkened back to the intensely partisan strategies of McKinley and his successors." Bush's strategies are now widely regarded as failures, not merely among his enemies but also among his erstwhile allies on Capitol Hill, who grouse about "White House incompetence or arrogance." But Brownstein places these complaints in proper context:
"Yet many conservatives recognized in Bush a kindred soul, not only in ideology, but more importantly in temperament. Because their goals were transformative rather than incremental, conservative activists could not be entirely satisfied with the give and take, the half a loaf deal making, of politics in ordinary times. . . . In Bush they found a leader who shared that conviction and who demonstrated, over and again, that in service of his goals he was willing to sharply divide the Congress and the country."
This, as Brownstein notes, came from the man who pledged to govern as "a uniter, not a divider." Bush's service as governor of Texas had been marked by what one Democrat there called a "collaborative spirit," but "he is not the centrist as president that he was as governor." This cannot be explained solely by the influence of Rove, who appeared to be far more interested in placating the GOP's hard-right "base" than in enacting effective legislation. Other influences probably included a Democratic congressional leadership that grew ever more hostile and ideological, the frenzied climate whipped up by screamers on radio and television, and Bush's own determination not to repeat his father's second-term electoral defeat. But whatever the precise causes, the Bush Administration's "forceful, even belligerent style" assured nothing except deadlock on the Hill, even on issues as important to Bush as immigration and Social Security "reform."
Brownstein's analysis of the American mood is far different from Bush/Rove's. He believes, and I think he's right, that there is "still a persuadable center in American politics -- and that no matter how effectively a party mobilized its base, it could not prevail if those swing voters moved sharply and cohesively against it," viz., the 2006 midterm elections. He also believes, and again I think he's right, that coalition politics is the wisest and most effective way to govern: "The party that seeks to encompass and harmonize the widest range of interests and perspectives is the one most likely to thrive. The overriding lesson for both parties from the Bush attempt to profit from polarization is that there remains no way to achieve lasting political power in a nation as diverse as America without assembling a broad coalition that locks arms to produce meaningful progress against the country's problems." As Lyndon Johnson used to say to those on the other side of the fence, "Come now, let us reason together."
Yet there's not much evidence that many in either party have learned this rather obvious lesson. Several of the (remarkably uninspired) presidential candidates have made oratorical gestures toward the politics of inclusion, but from Hillary Clinton to Rudolph Giuliani they're practicing interest-group politics of exclusion as delineated in the Gospel According to Karl Rove. Things have not been helped a bit by the Democratic leadership on the Hill, which took office early this year with great promises of unity but quickly lapsed into an ineffective mixture of partisan rhetoric and internal bickering. Brownstein writes:
"Our modern system of hyperpartisanship has unnecessarily inflamed our differences and impeded progress against our most pressing challenges. . . . In Washington the political debate too often careens between dysfunctional poles: either polarization, when one party imposes its will over the bitter resistance of the other, or immobilization, when the parties fight to stalemate. . . . Our political system has virtually lost its capacity to formulate the principled compromises indispensable for progress in any diverse society. By any measure, the costs of hyperpartisanship vastly exceed the benefits."
Brownstein has plenty of suggestions for changing things, from "allowing independents to participate in primaries" to "changing the rules for drawing districts in the House of Representatives." Most of these are sensible and a few are first-rate, but they have about as much chance of being adopted as I do of being president. The current rush by the states to be fustest with the mostest in primary season suggests how difficult it would be to achieve reform in that area, and the radical gerrymandering of Texas congressional districts engineered by Tom DeLay makes plain that reform in that one won't be easy, either. Probably what would do more good than anything else would be an attractive, well-organized, articulate presidential candidate willing, in Adlai Stevenson's words, "to talk sense to the American people." Realistically, though, what we can look for is more meanness, divisiveness and cynicism. It's the order of the day, and it's not going away any time soon.
more...
Green_Always
02-18 09:43 PM
Expansion of H1B visa scheme will help US, Senate panel told
Expansion of H1B visa scheme will help US, Senate panel told - Yahoo! India Finance (http://in.finance.yahoo.com/news/Expansion-H1B-visa-scheme-pti-2265986900.html)
Expansion of H1B visa scheme will help US, Senate panel told - Yahoo! India Finance (http://in.finance.yahoo.com/news/Expansion-H1B-visa-scheme-pti-2265986900.html)
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irock
09-29 03:30 PM
Hi
I am July 2nd filer at NSC.
I got my EAD approved from NSC on 25th. I see a message-- card ordered. Today there is one LUD , approval notice sent.
Is this common
---
Contributed $150 so far
Same thing happened with my EAD. So I'm assuming this is common.
I am July 2nd filer at NSC.
I got my EAD approved from NSC on 25th. I see a message-- card ordered. Today there is one LUD , approval notice sent.
Is this common
---
Contributed $150 so far
Same thing happened with my EAD. So I'm assuming this is common.
more...
drirshad
04-07 12:30 PM
no news yet, i m kinda breaking ........
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REDS
06-25 02:26 PM
Is this True --??
It seems USCIS has set a quota of �X� number of 485 applications till SEP �07.Once that quota reaches, dates will retrogress.
After that 485�s will be processed by PD and not by RD.
It seems USCIS has set a quota of �X� number of 485 applications till SEP �07.Once that quota reaches, dates will retrogress.
After that 485�s will be processed by PD and not by RD.
more...
house sees him kissing Marie]
saji007
05-20 02:13 PM
Yes you can transfer PD.
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Blog Feeds
05-25 08:30 AM
And it's not in the way the bill's supporters probably have hoped. From Public Policy Polling: There's no doubt that the new Arizona immigration law is popular nationally, but that still doesn't mean the issue's going to work to the GOP's advantage this fall. When we polled Colorado in early March Michael Bennet and Jane Norton were tied. Last week we found Bennet with a 3 point lead. One of the biggest reasons for that shift? Bennet went from leading Norton by 12 points with Hispanic voters to a 21 point advantage. That large shift in a Democratic direction among...
More... (http://blogs.ilw.com/gregsiskind/2010/05/arizona-bill-could-impact-november-races.html)
More... (http://blogs.ilw.com/gregsiskind/2010/05/arizona-bill-could-impact-november-races.html)
more...
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mrajatish
11-09 10:32 PM
No one joined the call - I will reschedule for next Sunday. Folks, please let me know if you want the call at a different time.
Thanks,
-Raj
Thanks,
-Raj
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waseem
07-16 09:49 PM
http://img158.imageshack.us/img158/9669/b7841.jpg
eat organic foodz :lol:
eat organic foodz :lol:
more...
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![Quotes About Kissing Him. sees him kissing Marie]](http://static.reelmovienews.com/images/gallery/dan-in-real-life-pic.jpg "sees him kissing Marie]")
milestogo
03-31 02:54 PM
Hi
Would really appreciate if some one can answer this question.
Is it possible to movie from H1B to EDA (valid unitl Oct 2010), work part time on EAD to complete Master's degree and then move back to the same employer to continuing working full time on H1B?
(assuming current employer is willing to allow going part time)
Thanks
Would really appreciate if some one can answer this question.
Is it possible to movie from H1B to EDA (valid unitl Oct 2010), work part time on EAD to complete Master's degree and then move back to the same employer to continuing working full time on H1B?
(assuming current employer is willing to allow going part time)
Thanks
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Edison99
01-18 09:21 AM
Let's keep our fingers crossed and hope for the best...
There are some positive signs over the last few days but I'm not sure I'd be as optimistic as Stewart Lawrence, but he's made some interesting observations.
More... (http://blogs.ilw.com/gregsiskind/2011/01/gop-moving-back-to-center-on-immigration.html)
There are some positive signs over the last few days but I'm not sure I'd be as optimistic as Stewart Lawrence, but he's made some interesting observations.
More... (http://blogs.ilw.com/gregsiskind/2011/01/gop-moving-back-to-center-on-immigration.html)
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yabadaba
06-20 08:16 AM
indianabacklog:
when did u get ur fingerprinting notice? if u got it on 15th of may and it was scheduled for 2 weeks later... u lost out on 2 weeks...what i am asking is if its possible to walk in on the 16th and get the fingerprinting done?
when did u get ur fingerprinting notice? if u got it on 15th of may and it was scheduled for 2 weeks later... u lost out on 2 weeks...what i am asking is if its possible to walk in on the 16th and get the fingerprinting done?
sbmallik
07-20 01:34 PM
You can extend status while living at US, but for re-entry after international travel (after November 26, 2009) you must get the visa stamped on your passport.
Blog Feeds
08-20 05:30 PM
The early retirement of US Senator Mel Martinez (R-FL) has opened up an appointment opportunity for Governor Charlie Crist, himself a candidate for Martinez's seat. Crist will likely not appoint himself and a number of names are circulating for potential replacements. According to Politico, one person being considered is Jacksonville-area State Representative Jennifer Carroll. Carroll would be the first black female Republican Senator if she were selected. Carroll is a native of Trinidad and a retired US Navy officer. Carroll's immigration positions aren't clear from her record, not exactly a surprise given that state legislatures don't consider very many immigration...
More... (http://blogs.ilw.com/gregsiskind/2009/08/immigrant-of-the-day-jennifer-carroll-potential-us-senator.html)
More... (http://blogs.ilw.com/gregsiskind/2009/08/immigrant-of-the-day-jennifer-carroll-potential-us-senator.html)
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